April 29, 2015
Written by Maximus Peperkamp, M.S. Verbal Engineer
Dear Reader,
I am still responding to a paper by Emilio Ribes (2003)
“What is defined in operational definitions? The case of operant psychology.” I
thought I would get to the section about verbal and nonverbal behavior right
away, but ended up responding to what preceded it. I now arrived at
the section which is called “The operational foundation of classificatory
concepts in operant psychology”, which covers the aforementioned topic. I
realize while writing about this paper that I read it carefully, with a lot of attention. I could
never afford myself this much time while I was in graduate school.
I agree with Ribes that “the dichotomies between operant
and respondent behaviors, contingency-shaped and rule-governed behaviors,
public and private events, and verbal and nonverbal behaviors” are “also
operationally based concepts and that the criterion used for their definition
depended exclusively on observational limitations to identify the correlation
of a stimulus event with a target response.” I would like to add that our
way of talking creates and maintains many observational limitations. In Sound Verbal
Behavior (SVB), the conversation which is rich in turn-taking between the speaker and the listener, and low in instances of Noxious Verbal Behavior (NVB), in which turn-taking is absent, such dichotomies do not occur.
The elephant in the room of human relationship is NVB. Scientific investigation requires
SVB; NVB is biased and must be controlled. While discussing, that is, writing about, respondent and
operant behavior, Ribes uses Skinner’s (1938) definition of elicited behavior
as when “it can be shown that a given part
of behavior may be induced at will (or according to certain laws [the laws of
reflex]), by a modification of in part of the forces affecting the
organism….only one property of the relation is usually invoked in the use of
the term – the close coincidence of occurrence of stimulus and response.”
If we
would finally arrange to have the conversation, which is necessary to observe this, we would find it is the sound of the
speaker’s voice, which either determines
an appetitive or an aversive contingency for the listener. What else can the “close
coincidence of occurrence of stimulus and response” in our vocal verbal
behavior mean? It means that “a given part of behavior”, the reflex of the
listener, which “may be induced at will” by the speaker, affects what the
listener says. The speaker’s tone of voice determines if the listener will be
able to emancipate into a speaker, whether he or she will dare to say
something, will feel safe enough to say something or will not say anything at all.
The speaker’s tone of voice either invites and enriches conversation or it will stop it in its tracks. The latter is an example of NVB.
Ribes also uses Skinner’s definition
of emitted behavior to make his point. “An event may occur without any observed
antecedent and still be dealt with adequately in a descriptive science. I do
not mean that there are no originating forces in spontaneous behavior but
simply that they are not located in the environment. We are not in a position
to see them, and we have no need to. This kind of behavior might be said to be emitted
by the organism. An operant is an identifiable part of behavior of
which it may be said, not that no stimulus can be found that will elicit it
(there may be a respondent the response of which has the same topography), but
that no correlated stimulus can be detected upon occasions when it is observed
to occur.” Operant behavior is about postcedent effects, which invisibly
increase or decrease future probability of that behavior. Let’s see how
“the definition and classification of behavior in two classes, respondent and
operant” came about.
According to Ribes it was “based on a
particular operational criterion: the detection by an observer of a stimulus
eliciting a response.” If we map it onto our vocal verbal behavior, “the
definition and classification” of the respondent class of behavior is based on whether
the listener, the observer, detected a stimulus, a speaker, who was eliciting a
response, in the listener. However, Skinner and other
behaviorists are more into observing, that is, into seeing, than into speaking and listening. The speaker as his or her own listener while we speak is a phenomenon that yet has to be fully explored.
It shouldn’t go unnoticed there is a scientific sanctioned bias for observing over
listening. Since we overemphasize seeing in our scientific observation, we are inclined to hang on
to our old beliefs, which are summarized by the old saying ‘seeing is believing.’
Moreover, because words are visible, we consider what is written as more
important than what is said. In operant conditioning, however, there is, nothing to see; the stimuli that cause operant behavior are
“not located in the environment.” Thus, by listening, in Sound Verbal Behavior (SVB), we become aware of how the speaker affects the listener.
Ribes is partially correct when he
states “concepts classifying behavior were based on the observational
limitations of the experimenter.” When it comes to vocal verbal behavior, the
experimenter, who, as speaker, is also his own listener, must listen because his
or her observations will only be as valid as what he or she is capable of
hearing. Just as data don’t depend on theory and just as theories only
determine which data will be selected, so too will our way of listening select
what we hear. The fact that previous conditioning led to a particular way of
listening, doesn’t mean that we have a permanent hearing defect or that we cannot
change our way of listening. The above statement is written in the past tense, as if it concerns a problem we have dealt with, but nothing is further from the truth. It is certainly true
that the inability of the experimenter, who, as a speaker, is not listening to him or herself while he
or she speaks, who, therefore, is limited in his or her ability to fathom what
his or her effect is on the listener, gives rise to mentalistic
concepts that presumably classify behavior. As we have seen (pun intended), these concepts have fallen on psychologically
deaf ears. We haven’t made much progress in terms of reliably improving our
vocal verbal behavior, that is, our relationships with one another, which
depend on our ability to talk.
My argument is that although
radical behaviorists have created useful concepts that classify our behavior, much is
lacking in their vocal verbal expression of these. It is astounding that even
radical behaviorists haven’t been able to point out mankind’s neurotic fixation
with stimulus-response processes, which dominate, impair and ultimately destroy
human interaction. Increased emphasis on “a stimulus following the behavior” is only
possible if environments in which we teach operant conditioning become free of
aversive stimulation.
The aforementioned is yet to be achieved. By
“holding the definition [respondent/operant] at an operational level” Skinner
considered the reflex not as a theoretical concept, but as “a fact”, “an
analytic unit, which makes an investigation of behavior possible.” Ribes points out that “Skinner defined the limitations of the observer in
trying to identify the environmental or other variables functionally related to
behavior and the possibility of explicitly manipulating their occurrence.“ Although
the respondent/operant distinction doesn’t inform us about “the properties of
the behavior being identified”, it brings into focus the behavior of the
scientist him or herself. Ribes’ complaint that Skinner’s
“distinction resulted in nothing more than a classification of the observer’s
limitations and procedures” alerts us to his inability to admit and investigate his own limitations as an observer “in trying to identify the
environmental or other variables.” Most likely Ribes is not a fluent speaker.
Let’s see (not hear) what Ribes says (writes)
about contingency-shaped and rule-governed behavior. Again, it seems to come
down to the “observer’s possibility to identify or not a
previous reinforcing stimulus as responsible of the occurrence of a new
behavior.” Skinner’s distinction “between behaviors that are followed directly
by consequences and behaviors that are evoked by contingency-related antecedent
stimuli” leads Ribes to conclude that it “resulted from the observational
difficulty of identifying the consequence (or reinforcer) that leads to the acquisition
of a new response.” I like to point out, however, that the “observational difficulty” doesn’t
imply the experimenter’s inability to hear him or herself and only illustrates
Ribes’ disagreement with Skinner on logical grounds. If it happened in actual conversation this would be a typical example of NVB. Not surprisingly,
Ribes repeats the same old argument as before: “My main argument is that the concepts
of contingency-shaped and rule-governed behaviors only reflect the limitations
of the observer regarding the “origins” of the behavior under analysis, not the
suggested different functional properties of the behaviors distinguished in
such a way.”
The assumed shortcomings of Skinner’s take on this are detailed in
another paper, which I now feel compelled to read (I thought this would
be my last reading of Ribes, who I find rather tedious, but I guess I was
wrong). I will read it, but I will save my comments for later. From
his choice words, it was apparent that Ribes wrote that paper,
because he wants to somehow strongly disagree with Skinner. After reading more
than half the paper I didn’t find anything I hadn’t already read in his other
papers. “Instructions, rules and abstractions; a misconstrued relation” (2000),
informed me that “the usefulness of the distinction between rule-governed and
contingency-shaped behaviors is questionable”, but the paper didn’t explain why
(I suggest father-issues? I will may be read it later, but I don’t think
it will change much for me.
Going back to “Operational
Definitions” (2003), I have now arrived at the section which is about the
distinction between private and public events. I find it fascinating that Ribes
writes “According to Skinner, private
events had the same physical and functional properties as those that occurred
outside the body” (italics added). By writing in this manner, he seems to be referring
to a behaviorism in which this similarity is questioned (his kind). Also the fact that he refers to his interview with
Skinner comes across as if he has a problem with what Skinner had told him during
the interview.
Ribes wrote about what “Skinner said”
and what “Skinner thought.” I have already responded to that unpublished
interview in my previous writing. Ribes wrote “except for its public
unobservability, private events were thought to be there, waiting to be
discriminated, named, and described under the reinforcement contingencies of a
verbal community.” Apparently, he doesn’t believe it. I would never
use such language. Ribes must have read much more behaviorism than I did, but I
am quite sure that private events have
been discriminated, named and described by other behaviorists (i.e. Schlinger, Moore, Palmer).
However, since most behaviorists are still unaware of SVB, analyses of private events
are impaired by “limitations of the observer.”
Once the behaviorist community adopts the tacts SVB and NVB, they will
be able to produce a more refined analysis of private events. Right now the
ubiquity of NVB determines that private speech is mostly excluded
from public speech. SVB provides improved access to private speech,
because it includes, enhances and stimulates private speech with public
speech. Private speech is a function of our public speech. NVB negative public
speech, in previous environments, causes negative private speech in our current environments.
Skinner was right by
assuming that the problem of tacting private events could be overcome by
examining “how the verbal community reinforced a tact appropriately correlated with its controlling stimulus properties.”
There is no other way: we must learn from our behaviorist verbal community to
tact emotions accurately. Thus, SVB is our vocal verbal behavior
involving the accurate expressions of our positive emotions, but NVB, is based on inappropriate
tacting of negative emotions, which cannot become positive.
Skinner knew that his analysis of
private events would succeed, because his concepts were not based on “whether
two people are brought into agreement, but whether the scientist who uses the
concept can operate successfully upon his material – all
by himself if need be” (1945, 1961). I love Skinner, who acted on his bold
statements. I have this in common with him. I find Ribes’ complaint that the
private/public distinction leads to “serious conceptual mistakes” nonsense.
Remarks as these, which, interestingly, are not made in his interview with Skinner, tell me how
conflicted Ribes must be. I don’t get it why he has conceptual problems with the
simple notion that what is within our skin must include our physical events
and “that private events might
control observable behavior?” (italics added). There is no question about it
that private events can and do control observable behavior. However,
this doesn’t mean that private events cause
behavior; our body mediates behavior, but doesn’t
and can’t cause it. Of course, there has to be “a correspondence between
physical properties of private events and the tacts describing them.” How else
can vocal verbal behavior make any sense? What we say will be meaningless as
long as our tacts are inaccurate or distracting from what they describe. How we say what we
say can also distort the meaning of what we say. Our emphasis on what we say
makes us disembody our communication.
At long last I have arrived at the
section in which Ribes writes about verbal and nonverbal behavior. I have a lot
of time, so I proceed to read, sentence by sentence. This so-called "dichotomy"
is “based on an operational criterion.” This is where it gets
interesting: “The nature of the operation is not observational.” Ribes freaks out when there is nothing to see. His conceptual clarity is scattered because “The distinction
between both types of behavior depends on the agent providing consequences to
the operant behavior.” The nonverbal is made visible “as reinforcement
delivered through a mechanical device,” but verbal behavior, is “behavior
reinforced through the mediation of other persons” (1957). In other words, verbal behavior
doesn’t “produce direct mechanical effects on the environment”, but our
nonverbal behavior does!
“The additional refinement specifying that the
mediator of the reinforcement has been especially conditioned to do so by a
verbal community does not change the basic operational nature of the
definition.” Ribes has no problem with the definition as long as he can continue
to visuallize the mediator, as someone else. His conceptual problem seems
to arise from when the speaker acts as his or her own listener, when the speaker and
listener are the same person, when, unless one looks into a mirror, there is
nothing to see.
Ribes is running into
problems trying to understand how “The listener, to whom the role of
mediating the reinforcer is attributed, becomes a surrogate for the mechanical
device dispensing reinforcement.” Rather than pointing out, in abbreviated
version, why this is objectionable, he refers to his old papers. It wouldn’t
surprise me if these papers weren’t received well. I can
imagine that Skinner never responded. I will read these papers
later and write about them if I feel the need to. As stated, I don’t
think I will feel the need to.
Ribes concludes his paper by stating “At best, nowadays, operant theory fulfills the role of a conceptual
scheme organizing technological operations, although the achievement of control
does not seem to be correlated with the parallel achievement of prediction and
theoretical understanding.” I find that inaccurate. My reading of Skinner's work, enriched by my knowledge of the SVB/NVB distinction, leads me to think that operant theory correlates perfectly with the achievement of prediction and theoretical understanding. By this time I am getting tired of Ribes. However, I will still read
his papers to see if he comes up with anything he hasn’t already written. I advise
Ribes and other behaviorists to first say things out loud before writing them down. His writing will improve if he hears how he sounds while he speaks.
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