September
29, 2015
Written by Maximus Peperkamp, M.S. Verbal Engineer
Dear Reader,
This writing is my third response to “The Unit of Selection: What Do
Reinforcers Reinforce?” by J.W. Donahoe, D.C. Palmer and J.E. Burgos (1997).
Let us now turn to these “three central points” on which these authors “and a
broad sense of commentators agree.” The first one is: “the effects of reinforcers on behavior can be readily demonstrated
under conditions in which the antecedents of behavior are not identified. That
is, orderly functional relations emerge between operants and reinforcers when
the experimental analysis of the effects of antecedents is impossible or
impractical.” Why is “the experimental analysis of the effects of antecedents”
considered to be “impossible or impractical?” I think, for the most part, it is
because of Noxious Verbal Behavior (NVB). We dismiss antecedents as “impossible
or impractical” as we don’t know how to talk about them. Once we know how to
talk about them, that is, once we have Sound Verbal Behavior (SVB), it becomes
very practical to talk about them, even when we can’t immediately recognize antecedents
of why we talk the way we do.
“Orderly
functional relations” could “emerge between antecedents and reinforcers” as these
authors kept the conversation going. SVB
always keeps the conversation going, but NVB stops it. There is, however, a big
difference between writing about this and talking about it. Although different
“antecedents and reinforcers” are involved in writing and reading than in
speaking and listening there are of course “orderly functional relations” in
both. Why are we are not talking more often about these “functional relations?”
NVB prevents us from talking about it. Most of what we know about functional
relations is because of what has been written about it, not because of what has
been said about it.
With
NVB behaviorists can’t really talk meaningfully about behaviorism.
These
authors agree that “the effects of reinforcers on behavior can be readily demonstrated
under conditions in which the antecedents of behavior are not identified” as they
have read and studied publications about nonverbal empirical research involving
pigeons or rats. However, this didn’t or couldn’t lead to nonverbal agreement
in their vocal verbal behavior. There would have to be a focus on their own nonverbal
speaking behavior for that to occur. Since most of their vocal verbal behavior
is characterized by a fixation on the verbal, they are verbally biased and mainly
involved in NVB. Moreover, in NVB, in which the “antecedents of behavior are
not identified”, behaviorists are just like non-behaviorists as they can’t discriminate
“the effects of reinforcers” on how they themselves speak. “Effects of
reinforcers” have been demonstrated on other behavior than their own way of
talking. In spite of their NVB, the “effect of reinforcers” can be “readily
demonstrated”, but this doesn’t imply that they can demonstrate this effect
while they talk and thus, they mainly write about it. It should be a mandatory aspect
of behaviorist training to demonstrate, while they speak, the effect of
reinforcers on SVB. As long as they can’t talk about the effects of reinforcers
behavioral engineering will inadvertently reinforce NVB.
The
second point on which the authors agree is “response-contingent reinforcers
most commonly alter the control of responses by their
antecedents.
That is, discriminative control of responding is ‘‘practically inevitable
(Skinner, 1937, p. 273).” In other words, if NVB is reinforced, people,
behaviorists included, will have higher rates of it. Moreover, if NVB is
reinforced and SVB is punished, people, behaviorists included, will prefer NVB
over SVB. Since SVB and NVB should be easily grasped by behaviorists, as behaviorism
focuses on environmental variables that cause behavior, I was surprised by the
lack of interest of behaviorists to explore the SVB/NVB distinction with me.
The more I learn about behaviorism, however, the more it is evident to me why
this is the case.
It
is comforting to read that Skinner said “discriminative responding is
“practically inevitable.” It’s all about behavioral history. The third point on which these authors agree
is perhaps the most illustrative. “The manipulated antecedents of behavior are
typically environmental events in cases that are amenable to experimental
analysis, but may include covert or private (intraorganismic) events as well. Covert
events (characterized behaviorally or neurally) invariably accompany
environment–behavior relations and indispensably contribute to scientific
interpretation.” During spoken communication we are always dealing with these “intra-organismic
events.” SVB becomes possible when a speaker listens to him or herself while he
or she speaks. This unusual “antecedent of behavior” requires our conscious
attention for “covert or private events.” Attention for covert events is stimulated
by SVB public speech in which this was
reinforced. To the extent that we have been exposed to such SVB public speech,
we are able to produce SVB public speech as well as SVB private speech.
Exposure to SVB changes “covert events (characterized behaviorally or
neurally)” which in turn increases our ability to manage our environment.
The
combined effects of SVB covert and overt events “indispensably contribute to
scientific interpretation”, but our exposure to NVB skews our scientific
efforts as it prevents us from combining covert and overt events while we
speak. In the name of objectivity science has had a long history of excluding
covert events by calling them subjective. This dualistic split is caused and
maintained by NVB. In SVB, the speaker realizes that he or she is and has
always been simultaneously the listener. Stated differently, SVB is the only way
in which scientific interaction can occur. Subjectivity must be included into
our objectivity otherwise we are not truly objective. By steering away from
talking and by focusing only on academic writing, scientists have not yet been
able to achieve and capitalize on SVB. SVB is a natural phenomenon in which the
speaker and the listener attain a sense of well-being. Our well-being informs
us of whether we are having SVB. In absence of well-being we are having NVB.
SVB is a learned skill which over time becomes more useful. The more we have
SVB the less inclined we will be to have NVB.