August 15, 2015

August 15, 2015

Written by Maximus Peperkamp, M.S. Verbal Engineer

This writing is my fifteenth response to “Talker-specific learning in speech perception” by Nygaard and Pisoni (1998).  The problem with Noxious Verbal Behavior (NVB) is that it is disembodied communication. During NVB communicators become like talking heads which have no awareness at about their body. Not surprisingly, we get stuck with “abstract, symbolic units” whenever “talker-specific sensitivity” supersedes “linguistic content.” It is important to realize that this is done by the threatening speaker, who exploits the fact that the listener can be imprisoned by and consequently controlled by words. Another way of explaining this is that in NVB the listeners fail to acknowledge that the speaker’s descriptions are not the described; they don’t realize  that the speaker speaks with what Native Americans have called ‘a forked tongue.’

People who are not in touch with their feelings are always troubled by that. They long to be in touch with what they feel, but can be deluded by those who pretend to be in touch with what they feel. We describe our emotions inaccurately and get easily trapped by words which take us away from instead of get us in closer to our feelings. Such words may be part of some song, ceremony or text that was presented by some singer, poet, writer, actor, priest or guru, who supposedly knows better than the listener how to express him or herself. NVB is the kind of talking in which we can’t help but fake our emotions. When we don’t really feel our emotions, that is, when we have no awareness of our body, we cannot describe our emotions. When the speaker attains Sound Verbal Behavior (SVB), however, because he or she listens to him or herself while he or she speaks, although he or she may still have to look for the right words, he or she is quite capable of accurately expressing what he or she feels. Stated differently, the NVB speaker is constantly putting words into the mouth of the listener, but in SVB the speaker has his or her unique way of expressing him or herself. 

The authors write in the discussion part of their paper that “as overall intelligibility of the stimulus set deteriorated, listeners were more likely to bring to bear talker-specific information to aid in their transcription performance.” The authors focused on how the listener deals with the speaker, but how the speaker deals with listener was not mentioned by them. The above example describes NVB, because “talker-specific” variables deteriorate the “overall intelligibility of the stimulus” due to the hierarchical differences between the speaker and the listener. When the speaker exerts power over the listener he or she expresses NVB. Under such circumstances the listener is coerced, while he or she is experiencing a fight, flight or freeze response. Such involuntary responses take the attention away from what is being said. As a result, the NVB speaker can get away with superficiality, mediocrity, lack of knowledge and unaccountability and they can continue to brag, intimidate and be insincere.

 

Consequently, “listeners may use talker information to a greater extent in listening situations that are degraded” because they are forced and have no other choice. The “vocal attributes” of the speaker that are most familiar to the listener are those to which the listener responds innately. To recognize the sound of danger or safety in the speaker’s voice is not a cognitive, but an innate pre-verbal behavior. Although often overruled by language, this phylogenetic mechanism is still there in humans and widespread across many species. A listener’s “familiarity with a talker’s voice” is a nonverbal phenomenon. The “cocktail party” effect, which occurs when a listener is able to focus his or her auditory attention on the voice of one particular speaker, while filtering out a range of other stimuli, such as the voices of others who are also talking, is a mostly a nonverbal phenomenon. 


As the example makes clear, understanding a speaker in a noisy room depends on the listener’s familiarity with a talker’s sound. If my hypothesis is correct, listeners will be able to understand SVB speakers in a noisy room much better than NVB speakers, because the SVB speaker focuses on his or her own sound while he or she speaks. In NVB the attention of the speaker is not going to his or her sound, but to what he or she is saying. It has been  the experience of those who are familiar with the distinction between SVB and NVB that one can have SVB in noisy environment just as easily as in a silent environment. Noise in itself is not the point, but threat is. Noise can  facilitate the stimuli (Establishing Operation) which make it more likely that we will listen to ourselves while we speak.

The SVB/NVB distinction predicts that sentences will be "a rich source of talker-specific information” and “that learners are sensitive to the additional talker information in sentence-length utterances.” However, the distinction between SVB and NVB brings our attention to the kind of “talker-specific information” which only the listener deals with. Whether the listener knows it or not, is aware of it or not, recognizes it or not, he or she will always respond differently to a SVB speaker than to a NVB speaker. The NVB speaker, because of his or her demands is bound to speak shorter sentences and give orders than the SVB speaker. As the NVB speaker provides less “talker-specific information”, he or she is more difficult to understand. “Sentences appear to provide information about talker-specific acoustic–phonetic implementation strategies in addition to higher order information about idiosyncratic prosody, rhythm, and meter. During training, listeners apparently exploit all sources of information to help them learn the set of voices in this task.”

This research provides straightforward evidence for the distinction between SVB and NVB as the “results confirm the importance of the role of talker information in spoken language processing.” Listeners cannot afford to become “familiar” with a NVB speaker, as they have to remain on guard. They can and they will only be able to relax with a SVB speaker. Thus, the negative or positive affect induced in the listener by the speaker always either hinders or enhances the listener’s ability to understand what the speaker is saying. “Familiarity with talker-specific information not only aids speech perception when higher level, top-down strategies are limited, but also when several sources of linguistic information are available to the listener.” This interpretation is in my opinion incorrect because the authors are not aware about the distinction between SVB and NVB. These “higher level, top-down strategies are limited” only in NVB, but they are always stimulated and enhanced by the SVB speaker. Indeed, the NVB speaker elicits bottom-up processes, which impair and diminish the listener’s ability to make use of “top-down strategies.” Thus, only in SVB are “several sources of linguistic information available to the listener.” Stated more bluntly, the NVB speaker forces the listener into a sense of dissociation.  

“These findings suggest that the use of talker-specific information is

important in general in the perception and comprehension of spoken language and is used in conjunction with other sources of information to derive a linguistic interpretation of a talker’s utterance.” Only the SVB speaker can facilitate interaction, because only the SVB speaker continues to induce and maintain positive emotions in the listener. Amazingly, we haven’t yet gotten clear on the simple fact that as long as speakers induce negative emotions in listeners they undermine interaction. It is important to recognize that although the NVB speaker induces negative emotions in the listener, he or she isn’t experiencing negative emotions in him or herself. 


The NVB speaker is only capable of feeling his or her own negative emotions once he or she is no longer capable of dominating others. As long as he or she is able to dominate others, the NVB speaker is totally unaware about his or her own feelings, but comes across as guarded, pretentious and predetermined. The “other sources of information to derive a linguistic interpretation of a talker’s utterance” are only available with a SVB speaker, who allows for a fair amount of spontaneity. The NVB speaker always narrows down the conversation, while the SVB speaker broadens it. This is not to say that the SVB speaker prevents the listener from focusing. To the contrary, the SVB speaker creates a better, effortless focus in the listener.

August 14, 2015

August 14, 2015

Written by Maximus Peperkamp, M.S. Verbal Engineer

This writing is my fourteenth response to “Talker-specific learning in speech perception” by Nygaard and Pisoni (1998).  The authors conclude in the discussion section of their paper with “Although lexical and indexical information are arguably higher order aspects of spoken language, they may nevertheless behave like lower level perceptual dimensions” This finding supports this writer’s SVB/NVB distinction, which makes us realize that when we talk, our sound is congruent with and supporting what we say or incongruent with and therefore distracting from what we say. We  have SVB in the case of the former and NVB in the case of the latter. 

It is important that the speaker pays attention to how he or she sounds. If the distinction between SVB and NVB is not made by the speaker, as is always the case in NVB, it can only be made by the listener in response to the speaker. If this listener becomes the new speaker and is also not listening to him or herself, as is always the case in NVB, the previous speaker is not going to be convinced by someone who is not listening to him or herself, to listen to him or herself. Consequently, communicators in NVB struggle to get each other’s attention, but they are not paying attention to themselves. 

By focusing on the speaker and the listener separately, the researchers omit what is the most important aspect of verbal behavior: the speaker-as-own-listener. The SVB/NVB distinction only makes sense in the light of the speaker-as-own-listener. As long as listening to others is over-emphasized, listening to ourselves is not getting the attention. Listening to ourselves while we speak requires our attention, as the speaker who makes others listen to him or to her, but who is not listening to himself, will be talking at others, but not with them and will therefore still not feel listened to.

We only feel listened to when we listened to ourselves while we speak.

“Although all listeners received the same amount of training, only listeners who could successfully identify the talkers’ voices explicitly showed a benefit in the word recognition test.” These researchers did not think of training the talkers in identifying their own voices. The speaker, who listens to him or herself while he or she speaks, who is responsive to the listener within his or her own skin, has a very different effect on the listener outside of his or her skin. Such a SVB speaker is easier to listen to as the listener doesn’t need to differentiate between “talker-specific” and “listener-specific” variables, because the talker has already done that.

“Detailed representations of linguistic events appear to be retained in longterm memory, and linguistic categories may consist of collections of instance-specific exemplars rather than some type of abstract prototypical summary representation in which aspects of spoken language such as talker’s voice (and speaking rate, vocal effort, etc., for that matter)

are eliminated.” Only during NVB the listener is forced by the speaker to “eliminate” certain “aspects of spoken language such as talker’s voice.” And, even if the listener, who became a speaker, listens to him or herself while he or she speaks, as in SVB, and tries to explain to the former speaker that he or she was not listening to him or herself, this seldom will actually result in this speaker beginning to listen to him or herself. Most likely this listener, who became a speaker, looses his or her SVB and switches back to NVB, while trying to talk with the other NVB speaker.

The NVB speaker is hardly ever really in the position to give up his or her dominance, which is exerted and maintained by his or her NVB, as he or she is only capable of listening to him or herself if the situation is created in which he or she can do that. In other words, only when he or she is given the adequate kind of environmental support will he or she be able to shift from NVB to SVB. The fact that an annoyed listener may experience a NVB speaker as aversive and then tries to change this speaker’s behavior by talking with him or her, doesn’t mean this listener is capable of providing the speaker with what he or she needs to be able to listen to him or herself while he or she speaks and produce SVB.  

The following statement is made by a SVB speaker, because only such a speaker is capable of expressing him or herself in such a fashion that the listener is not forced to separate “talker information” from “lexical information.” The SVB speaker possesses a skill which the NVB speaker simply doesn’t have, because the NVB speaker was never reinforced on previous occasions for listening to him or herself while he or she spoke. Thus, the NVB speaker is incapable of producing the behavior which was never taught to him or her to begin with. Now read the following statement: “Not only is talker information retained along with lexical information, but these two dimensions do not appear to be separable or independent in perception and attention.” Stated more accurately, listening and speaking behaviors “are two dimensions” which are inseparable as in “perception and attention” they occur simultaneously. The “memory” of a listener is a function of the extent to which his or her listening and speaking and also his reading and writing behaviors became joined. In NVB there is a separation between the speaker and the listener and between the writer and the reader.

“There are important processing consequences for a shared or detailed representation of linguistic events. One of these consequences is that perceptual learning of voice identity can result in talker-specific sensitivity to linguistic content.” If we like how a speaker sounds, we are more likely to learn from him or her, but if we are repulsed by the speaker’s voice, our attention will be drawn to how he or she sounds instead of to what he or she says. This has nothing to do with “processing”, but with whether the listener experiences the speaker's voice as reinforcing or punishing. 

Our nervous systems respond phylogenetically, that is, we respond in the only way that is biologically possible, and ontogenetically, how we have been conditioned during our lifetime. Based on our behavioral history the speaker-as-own-listener is our worst enemy or our best friend. Writing something without reading it makes absolutely no sense and saying something and without listening to it is a symptom of insanity. All insanity is based on the separation of the speaker from the listener and all of our problems with perception and attention can be reduced to this.

August 13, 2015

August 13, 2015

Written by Maximus Peperkamp, M.S. Verbal Engineer

Dear Reader,

This writing is my thirteenth response to the paper “Talker-specific learning in speech perception” by Nygaard and Pisoni (1998).  The researchers are unknowingly honing in on what I call Sound Verbal Behavior (SVB), when they state “The crucial research question then becomes whether, given experience with the particular aspects of the speech signal relating to talker identity, it follows that listeners also become sensitive to talker-specific linguistic properties.” What is said in SVB is easier understood because of how it is said and how the speaker sounds determines whether what the speaker says makes sense to the listener. However, the opposite is also true for Noxious Verbal Behavior (NVB), in which “particular aspects of the speech signal relating to talker identity”, the sound of the speaker’s voice, because of its aversive nature, gets more attention than the “talker-specific linguistic properties.” It requires the listener's effort to relate these “aspects of talker identity” with “talker-specific linguistic properties”, if the speaker expresses NVB, but if the speaker has SVB, no such effort is needed. 

Unaware of the SVB/NVB distinction, the researchers interpret various investigations done by others by stating “Taken together, these practice effects with synthetic and compressed speech suggest that the speech processing system is capable of adjusting to a variety of distortions, both synthetic and natural, that occur in the acoustic signal.” Only in NVB there is, because of the aversive-sounding voice of the speaker, a need for the listener to adjust “to a variety of distortions”, but in SVB there is no need to adjust to the speaker’s “acoustic signal” as there is no aversive stimulation. 

In SVB the speaker’s voice only has an appetitive effect on the listener. Not capturing this affective quality of the speaker’s vocalization, these authors believe that “Each talker’s vocal style shapes the acoustic realization of linguistic constituents in different but systematic and predictable ways.” With knowledge about the SVB/NVB distinction, however, is is clear that  SVB speakers shape in a SVB way and NVB speakers shape in a NVB way. How the speaker sounds influences the negative or positive emotional experiences of the listener and indeed shape “the acoustic realization of linguistic constituents in different but systematic and predictable ways.”

Tossing out the emotional influence of how we talk is characteristic for NVB. In SVB, listeners can recognize this influence, because they can, as speakers, articulate and explore the positive or the negative emotions, which they experience because of how the speaker sounds. In other words, in SVB there is feedback from the listener to the speaker. Rather than the listener making an effort to adjust to the speaker, the SVB speaker effortlessly adjusts to the listener. Effortless adjustment of the speaker to the listener occurs because the speaker listens to him or herself while he or she speaks. 

As the speaker listens to him or herself and experiences him or herself, he or she estimates how listeners other than the speaker are experiencing him or her. As the speaker listens to him or herself more often, his or her ability to accurately assess whether his voice is having a positive or a negative effect on the experience of other listeners reaches increasingly higher levels of accuracy. As a consequence, SVB is continued, even under the worst circumstances. This writer has reached this point and believes that others can reach it too.  What used to be a big problem turned around and made his life enjoyable. He used to feel very troubled and upset by how others were sounding, but as he now recognizes NVB as NVB and SVB as SVB, he is able to withdraw from NVB and approach and attract SVB. The problems of NVB can be avoided only if we recognize NVB as NVB. For most of us  this is not the case since we also don’t recognize SVB as SVB. Once we discriminate this distinction, NVB will decrease and SVB will increase. Our ignorance about this distinction prevents SVB and perpetuates NVB.  

  

These researchers don’t know the SVB/NVB distinction and their reasoning is by default based on NVB. Since they are scientists, they find some pieces of the puzzle. “Nevertheless, perceptual adaptation to individual talkers’ voices, as mentioned previously, has traditionally been cast as a problem of eliminating variation due to individual differences in speakers’ voices from underlying linguistic constants, rather than as a perceptual learning process in which listeners become attuned to properties of the speech signal which subserve both talker identification and linguistic processing". This “perceptual learning process in which listeners become attuned” describes SVB. Note that the “problem of eliminating variation due to individual differences in speaker’s voices” is not the speaker’s problem, but the listener’s problem. It is, of course, also the speaker’s problem, but it doesn't seem that way as long as he or she can get away with forcing others to listen to him or her and not listening to him or herself. The speaker’s problem becomes the listener’s problem in NVB. When the speaker recognizes his or her own NVB, he or she changes his or her sound and influences the listener who is him or her self and other listeners positively. 

We keep going around in circles as long as we treat speakers and listeners as separate entities. In SVB, in which the speaker listens to himself while he or she speaks, the speaker is the listener. When the listener within the same skin is not listening to the speaker, the speaker produces NVB. It is not the listener outside of the skin of the speaker, who needs to become “attuned to properties of the speech signal which subserve both talker identification and linguistic processing,” but it is the listener within the same skin as the speaker, who needs to become “attuned.”

In the discussion section of the paper, the authors mention that “Individual listener performance across training groups ranged from 28% correct for the poorest learner to 97% correct for the best learner, after 9 days of training. This finding suggests that simple exposure to the set of voices over the 9-day period was not sufficient for perceptual learning of talkers’ voices to occur.” Much more is involved in real life when we the listener adjust to how the speaker sounds. Generally speaking, someone who has experienced more SVB in his or her behavioral history adjusts to someone with NVB less easily than someone with more NVB. However, someone with more NVB in his or her behavioral history will more easily adjust to someone who has more SVB in his or her behavioral history. The authors clearly have no clue about this. “Given that these listeners differed in their ability to learn the voices, it was possible to characterize some of the listeners as “good” voice learners and others as “poor” voice learners.” 

What is a “good” or a “poor” voice learner, depends from whether one reasons from a SVB or a NVB perspective. From a SVB perspective, the “poor” voice learner, although he or she may be impaired by the speaker, recognizes NVB as NVB and is therefore a “good” voice learner. In other words, failure in NVB implies success in SVB. Many things are upside down because of how we talk. Only from a NVB perspective, the person who is distracted by the NVB speaker is called a “poor” voice learner. 

Without the SVB/NVB distinction we are bound to draw many wrong conclusions. ““Good” learners improved to a much greater extent than did “poor” learners. This divergence suggests that through practice in categorizing and explicitly identifying voices, “good” learners become “attuned” to the fine acoustic–phonetic details that distinguish each talker’s voice.” From a SVB perspective, however, the fact that “poor” learners improved to a much lesser extent indicates that they were “attuned” to and upset about, distracted by and therefore negatively affected by the not-so-fine aversive acoustic-phonetic details of the NVB speaker’s voice. Such a distraction would never occur with a SVB speaker. 

Many people are classified as “poor” learners simply because they respond with fear, anxiety and stress to a NVB speaker. ““Poor” learners do not seem to acquire the same kind of perceptual sensitivity using these voice dimensions during this type of laboratory training task.” However, the NVB speaker doesn’t acquire “perceptual sensitivity” to the listener as long as or she can continue to force others listen to him or to her. Thus, the conclusion that““Poor” learners do not seem to acquire the same kind of perceptual sensitivity” is confounded by poor NVB speakers. Yet, there is hope, as the authors found “it appears that both talker-specific and listener-specific variables contribute to the eventual identification of a talker’s voice.”  

Moreover, the finding that “Perceptual learning of a set of novel talkers’ voices caused listeners to be better able to recover the linguistic content of the signal” experimentally demonstrates that “the perceptual mechanisms responsible for analyzing talker identity are not independent from the mechanisms responsible for extracting the lexical content of an utterance from the speech wave form.” Can we finally admit that how the speaker sounds always affects the listener’s ability to understand the speaker?

  

As SVB and NVB are universal subclasses of vocal verbal behavior within each language, the authors inadvertently make indirect references to this distinction. “One explanation of these results is that the “poor” learners did not receive sufficient training to “fine tune” or adjust their attentional mechanisms to the relevant talker-specific information in the signal.” This not receiving "sufficient training to fine tune" of course means they didn't engage often enough in SVB to be able to recognize NVB. Furthermore, the insufficient training also indicates that something is wrong on the speaker’s side and not on the listener’s side. In NVB, however, it is always the listener who is blamed for not understanding the speaker. Interestingly, the authors add “It should be noted that the “poor” learners did not necessarily have difficulty processing speech from a variety of talkers, but rather, when the perceptual system was taxed, as when words were presented in noise, they were unable to utilize their prior knowledge of each talkers’ idiosyncratic style of speech to help recover the phonetic content and lexical information in the signal.” They seem to be saying that in NVB speakers produce some kind of voice-noise, which taxes the listeners’ perceptual system with their “idiosyncratic style of speech.”

August 12, 2015

August 12, 2015

Written by Maximus Peperkamp, M.S. Verbal Engineer

Dear Reader, 

This writing is my twelfth response to “Talker-specific learning in speech perception” by Nygaard and Pisoni (1998). These researchers focus on something which has been apparent to me for a long time. It has often bothered me that what seems obvious to me is not accepted, let alone understood, by others. With certain people and under certain circumstances I am able to talk, think, feel and function coherently, but with other people and other circumstances I stumble over my words, I cannot think, I cannot remember and I only seem to make mistakes. 

I recognize myself in what these authors write about. “In our use of language, we are often aware that through exposure to and learning of a novel talker’s voice, for example, we become increasingly able to recover the linguistic aspects of an utterance that seemed difficult to understand only moments earlier.” This positive occurrence is one which I would call Sound Verbal Behavior (SVB), in which the speaker’s voice has a positive effect on the listener. The influence of this “novel talker’s voice” is in stark contrast to the Noxious Verbal Behavior (NVB) speaker’s voice, which has a negative effect on the listener. The more “exposure to and learning of” a SVB voice can occur, the more capable and confident we seem to become.

“Perceptual learning involves an increase in the ability to extract information from the environment, as a result of experience and practice with stimulation coming from it. Gibson (1969) has identified two types of perceptual learning.” One type suggests “that perceptual sensitivity can be enhanced by pre-exposure to a set of stimuli.” In this type “Mere experience of the stimulus domain increases perceivers’ sensitivity.” If we consider the sound of the speaker’s voice as “stimulus domain”, we find that exposure to both SVB as well as NVB increases the listener’s “perceptual sensitivity.” However, if the listener is more exposed to NVB than to SVB, a different kind of sensitivity begins to occur in the listener, who will become biased to whatever he or she has been most often exposed to. 

“In the second type, explicit experience in categorizing or identifying stimuli allows perceivers to become attuned to specific diagnostic physical features.” Thus, the listener’s “experience in categorizing or identifying stimuli” as belonging to the SVB or NVB category depends on the ways in which he or she was conditioned.  Authors describe this learning process “which allows the perceivers to become attuned to specific diagnostic physical features.” However, such becoming “attuned” of course only applies to SVB, because NVB is only about coercion and obedience.

“For this type of learning, the organization of stimuli into categories has been shown to have an important influence on subsequent perceptual sensitivity.” The listener’s “perceptual sensitivity” is  shaped by the extent to which he or she is more often exposed to SVB or NVB. I was never able to learn much from speakers who had a lot of NVB and little or no SVB. From an early age I favored SVB speakers, because with them was I able to learn and do something right. With NVB speakers, such as my father, I couldn’t do anything right. 

“In the case of talker learning, categorizing or identifying talker’s voices may lead to increased distinctiveness of the perceptual dimensions of talker identity.” Although I was affected by the rejection of my father, luckily there were plenty of SVB speakers in my family, such as my mother, my grandmothers and my uncle, who supported and encouraged me. However, since they did not have any education, they couldn’t play a significant role in my academic development. Their primarily emotional support allowed me to listen to myself and figure out that I needed SVB to succeed in life. 

“If a benefit of perceptual learning of voice can be demonstrated for linguistic processing as well, it would suggest that the same underlying dimensions subserve both perceptual abilities.” Such a “benefit of perceptual learning” can be demonstrated with SVB. Everything I have achieved is in my opinion due to SVB. In the studies reviewed by these authors “it has been found that a number of factors, such as the a priori distinctiveness of the set of voices to be learned, the number of talkers to be identified or discriminated, and the length or duration of the utterances used during training (i.e., syllables, words, phrases, passages), can mediate learning of voices.” Another way of summarizing these results is to state that in SVB we really listen to each other, because we acknowledge that it takes time to have a conversation. In NVB, on the other hand, we are always in a rush and stressed, as, supposedly, there is not enough time. 

“Not surprisingly, listeners learn to recognize talkers’ voices most readily when utterances of long duration from a few highly distinct talkers are used.” In NVB, the speakers dominate and intimidate the listeners and talkers struggle to get the attention from other talkers, by forcing them to remain listeners. Moreover, in NVB communicators don’t give each other the time to speak and cut each other off whenever they can. “These results suggest that a period of perceptual learning is required for listeners to become sensitive to talker-specific information in the speech signal.” Only SVB has such “a period of perceptual learning” for the listener. In NVB no such learning period is needed as the speaker coerces the listener.

The author’s conclusion that “Listeners do not appear to acquire expertise in talker recognition effortlessly, but rather learn over time to attend explicitly to the unique, acoustically distinct properties of each talker’s voice” is clearly based on the ubiquity of NVB. Talking and listening is perceived as effortful only during NVB, but during SVB these two behaviors occur effortlessly. The fact that learning occurs “over time” does not have to mean that learning involves any effort. However, given the common lack of time which is experienced when we have NVB, the authors equate the lack of time with effort. In SVB we take more time to talk, but it takes no effort.